
November 11, 2009
Remembering Our POWs Who Never Returned
By Edward Olshaker
Thirty-six Veterans Days have passed since the official release of our Vietnam
prisoners of war, yet to this day we are left with clashing verdicts on the
crucial issue of whether numerous prisoners were knowingly left behind.
An official communication from the US State Department to the Department of
Defense on April 12, 1973 announced, "There
are no more prisoners in Southeast Asia."
But if all living American prisoners of war were returned that year, why did an
Air Force general maintain that intelligence experts felt "shock and sadness"
that so many known prisoners were clearly left behind? Why did a congressman and
former high-level aide to President Ronald Reagan reportedly claim that Reagan
privately admitted that hundreds of abandoned American prisoners were still
languishing in Vietnam at the end of his eight-year tenure?
This vital issue received a new wave of attention during the early 1990s with
the publication of books including The Men We Left Behind, Kiss the Boys
Goodbye, and The Bamboo Cage, along with congressional hearings held at that
time. POW activists, many of them
the loved ones of missing men, investigative journalists, and a small
core of principled conservatives for whom this subject was their passion -- Ross
Perot, former POW Eugene McDaniel, Reps. Billy Hendon (R-SC) and John
LeBoutillier (R-NY), Sen. Bob Smith (R-NH), and others -- kept the flame of
truth alive on an extraordinarily difficult, painful, and murky issue.
It was realized from the outset that many American prisoners were left stranded
in Southeast Asia. In The Men We Left Behind, investigators Mark Sauter and Jim
Sanders tell us that in early 1973, "Hanoi released lists of American POWs held
in North and South Vietnam. The lists were minus the names of many men known or
suspected to be in enemy hands. Air Force General Eugene Tighe, later director
of the DIA [Defense Intelligence Agency], remembers that intelligence experts
felt 'shock and sadness' at the incomplete prisoner lists. Not only were the
lists from Vietnam incomplete, the lists did not include any POWs from Laos."
Simply stated, the North Vietnamese were holding most of the remaining men for
ransom. But the reality of this hostage crisis was shrouded in euphemistic
language: According to the agreement worked out at the Paris peace talks, Hanoi
would get "reparations" or "reconstructive aid" for damage done to their country
by the American military machine. In return, the United States would receive
what was diplomatically termed "cooperation" or "progress" on the prisoner
issue, i.e., return of the hostages.
France had found itself in the same situation after its defeat at Dien Bien Phu
in 1954, and bought back its men gradually over the years. The payments were
purportedly for humanitarian aid. "They kept on paying and men kept on coming
out," reports Nigel Cawthorne in The Bamboo Cage. "Over the next 16 years more
than 1,000 Frenchmen and French Legionnaires came back from the dead." Returns
continued up until the mid-1970s. (But the French had listed 9,537 men as
prisoners. What became of the rest?)
In a letter to the North Vietnamese government, President Richard Nixon promised
$3.25 billion in "aid." But he faced the unhappy task of presenting this bitter
pill to Congress at an especially inopportune time, just as newspaper reports of
torture of the returned prisoners was generating a national sense of outrage
that diminished the prospect of a multi-billion-dollar aid package to communist
war criminals. And the president himself was losing clout. "Certainly the US
Treasury held enough cash to purchase the POWs..." Sauter and Sanders note. "But
it was political capital that the Nixon Administration lacked. Heading into the
Watergate crisis, Nixon and his advisers believed it too sensitive politically
to tell the truth about the Paris negotiations and the secret wars in Laos and
Cambodia. Nixon and Kissinger even concealed from Congress the fact that they
had promised specific amounts of aid to Hanoi ... In the end, rather than pay
for unpatriated US POWs, the Nixon Administration chose to deny their
existence."
Thus began the government's alleged cover-up of its abandonment of our men, a
policy that, once instituted in the bureaucracy, continued through all
succeeding administrations. The enemy ceased to be Hanoi and instead became POW
experts wishing to share intelligence, prisoners' families digging for the
truth, and refugees and defectors bringing back evidence of live Americans left
behind. As stated in a summary of a report by Gen. Eugene Tighe, "The POW office
only pursues leads that will help discredit the source." And the general
expressed his bafflement that the same classified intelligence that was kept
from the prisoners' families was given to the North Vietnamese communists by
U.S. delegates. Similarly, Army Colonel Millard Peck, chief of the Defense
Intelligence Agency's special office for POW/MIA affairs, reached the disturbing
conclusion that his agency had a "mindset to debunk" reports of live American
troops left behind.
What became of the prisoners? According to reports of alleged sightings, many
were said to be held indefinitely as slave labor in prison compounds and kept as
potentially valuable hostages whom Hanoi hoped to be able to put back on the
bargaining table at some point in succeeding American administrations. It is
likely that at this late date, most have probably died because of the effect of
deplorable living conditions and homesickness on their bodies and minds.
Researchers have presented evidence purporting to show that some American POWs
were shipped to the Soviet Union, China, and other communist nations, even after
the war ended, to be exploited for their technological knowledge. Valuable men
such as these were never returned. No less an authority than Russian President
Boris Yeltsin has supplied corroboration, telling NBC in 1992, "Our
archives have shown that it is true. Some of them were transferred to the
territory of the former USSR and were kept in labor camps. We don't have
complete data and can only surmise that some of them may still be alive."
Instead of seizing on this remarkably candid bombshell as a rare window to the
truth -- and perhaps even to the recovery of prisoners -- the U.S. government
immediately downplayed Yeltsin's comments. Such revelations would have shone an
unwelcome light on high-level failures, and also would have clashed with one of
the key aims of U.S. foreign policy during the 1990s: the normalization of
relations with Vietnam as part of a rush to establish trade. The U.S. government
approached this goal over the dead bodies -- and perhaps in some cases, live
bodies -- of the POWs, a development that appears to have had little to do with
forgiveness and much to do with the almighty dollar.
Yeltsin's claim that prisoners were indeed left behind was allegedly
corroborated by President Ronald Reagan. According to a 2002
Newsmax report, a congressman who served as a top aide to Reagan said
the president "admitted to him that hundreds of American POWs were left behind
in Vietnam and were still alive as late as 1988."
Even when confirmation of the abandonment of prisoners comes from the two most
powerful men in the world, the presidents of the U.S. and Russia, it leaves
almost no impression, owing to our tendency to avert our eyes from evidence that
is heartbreaking and profoundly ugly. In all likelihood, the time has passed to
rescue any of our forsaken troops. Our only remaining comfort is in knowing they
are never lost to our omnipresent and loving Creator. Meanwhile, our obligation
to their memory -- to tell the truth, honor their sacrifices, and resolve never
to repeat the same tragic mistakes -- continues. In an admonition that sounds as
timely as ever, President George Washington warned, "The willingness with which
our young people are likely to serve in any war, no matter how justified, shall
be directly proportional to how they perceived the veterans of earlier wars were
treated and appreciated by their nation."
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at November 11, 2009